Chapter 23
Transition, setup

The establishment of the system described in this book first supposes overcoming two cultural reluctances. The first is to continue to believe that there are only two possible and antagonistic systems, which are capitalism and communism, and therefore that the current capitalist system is without alternative. The second is to simply denounce the current system while trying to exist at its margins.

The implementation of the system described in this book then implies avoiding two pitfalls. The first would be to want to do it brutally, through a revolution. Indeed, the most likely outcome of any revolution is the emergence of a strong man, therefore a concentration of powers not frankly in line with what we are trying to promote here. The second would be to want to adapt this system to the constraints of politics, that is to say to apply only the parts for which we judge public opinion ready, with the logical result of a flawed system, which does not work , and return to square one.

The very first step is to disseminate in society the vision of the future of living together contained in this book. There are four obstacles to overcome for this: First, the ideas contained in this book are multiple and often very innovative, so not easy to assimilate, which risks bringing many readers, convinced but not enough self-assured, not to talk about it. This book is to be read several times, and to be discussed between interested persons. Second, unlike the days of Marx, the media landscape is currently overloaded with products built to please, which occupy the ground and leave little room for a background work built on a completely different basis. Third, 65 million French people are 65 million people who think they know what to do better than the president and everyone else, including thinkers, and will do nothing in the end. Fourth, a significant percentage of people will be fiercely - but not necessarily openly - opposed to this book, because they currently occupy the prestige non-production social positions described in Chapter 2, and have no intention it to change.
Hence the importance that each reader who wishes, for himself or for his children, a future in conformity with the project described here, to actively and persistently ensures the dissemination of the book among his entourage.

The first step in the implementation will be the creation of a bank operating in accordance with the description in chapter 17, as well as the operational control mechanism described in chapter 11. First, we can create a few organizations operating in accordance with model and formalism described in this book, as well as converting some administration services. Once the system is established, it suffices to increase the budget of banks operating according to this model, to convert more public services, and to gradually nationalize the most structuring private entities, that is to say those which are source of a subcontracting cascade.
During the initial phase, what is most important is to verify on the field that we know how to set up organizations that conform in their functioning to the description made in this book. It is also important to ensure that all aspects of such a social organization are gradually integrated into our culture.

For decades in France, and for a few years in the United States, the left-wing has been divided between on the one hand a moderate left known as the Social Democrat, having accepted the principle of the market economy, but wishing to temper it by law, in accordance with Marx's recommendations in The Capital, and on the other hand, a more radical socialist left, attached to the concept of public services and redistribution, and more hostile to the market economy. The divide between these two lefts seems to have been increasing in recent years, making the adoption of a joint government program difficult. We believe, and hope that this book will bring about the emergence of a new radical socialist movement. Indeed, such a movement, even if a minority, could easily find common ground with the moderate left in the form: you continue to govern in accordance with the social democracy in which you believe, but in exchange for our support, you launch small-scale experimentation with the new system we are proposing here. This would unite those who want a profound change in the system no longer in the form of an illusory promise to return to a mythical past, but in the form of an innovative proposal to experiment, then deepen and disseminate gradually.

Let us now clarify the link between this book and political parties. For that, let us recall what we indicated from the first chapter concerning the methodology. Solving a problem, here the qualitative insufficiency of capitalist social organization, generally requires four steps: recognizing the problem, conducting a correct analysis, developing a relevant solution, and finally implementing it. Concretely, this book carries the part conducting a correct analysis, and the main lines of the development of a solution. On the other hand, it is up to the political class on the one hand to pass this analysis into general culture, but also and above all to lead the discussions to clarify the details while implementation progresses, taking feedback into account.
Politics cannot do the analysis alone and lay the main foundations for the solution. Even if today there are people asserting that to build a policy, it is enough to interpret what goes back from the ground, or it is enough to organize a large citizen consultation, this is a dangerous illusion. Indeed, the quality of an analysis and of the proposed solution depends above all on the overall coherence. At this level, the more people we bring in, the more we lose. In other words, the current impression of inability of our political elites to lead the country properly is due more to the absence of thinkers to provide them with the outlines of a promising project in the medium and long term, than to a specific failure of the political class.
It must also be recognized that after the golden age of thinkers of the Age of Enlightenment, then Marx and the anarcho-syndicalists in the 19th century, political thinkers stood out for their absence in the 20th century. We can offer three explanations for this finding. On the one hand, the effective implementation of revolutionary Marxism in the USSR and in China in the twentieth century gradually focused the debate, I should even say sterilized the debate, in the form for or against, or more exactly for the revolutionary Marxism of the Manifesto of the Communist Party, for the Marxism of The Capital embodied in social democracy, or for no Marxism at all with ultra-liberalism. On the other hand, during the XXᵉ century, the major interest passed from the collective to the individual level. Finally, the moment when sociology was born in the middle of the XXᵉ century, that is to say the tools which allowed us to rethink collective organization on scientific bases, and no longer empirical or dogmatic, is also the period known as the glorious thirties, which may have suggested for a time that social democracy would be the ultimate form of organization. This is illustrated by the events of May 68 which had great effects on individual freedoms but very little on collective organization. It was only with the return of the grip of finance and its corollary of disturbances characteristic of the Belle Epoque and the interwar period, and with the emergence of ecology and the incapacity to reconcile it with the imperative of growth of the capitalist system, that the need to rethink social organization has reappeared. The 21st century therefore needed a credible proposal for social organization, here it is. Its implementation is now everyone's business, from politics to conduct it, to citizens to support it.